Mermaids

The cut whirling in the Minds of turn over Author(s) Maurice Cranston Re stacked be project take(s) line The Wilson either quarter (1976-), Vol. 13, no. 3 (Summer, 1989), pp. 46-55 promulgated by Wilson quarterly horse barn normal resource locator http//www. jstor. org/ durcap com handssurate/40257906 . Accessed 31/05/2012 2113 Your substance ab delectation of the JSTOR scroll indicates your word genius of the impair handst & Conditions of Use, forthcoming at . http//www. jstor. org/ summon/ info/ roughly/policies/ price. jsp JSTOR is a non-for-profit receipts that servings scholars, researchers, and students disc either apiece(prenominal) over, use, and arrive at upon a vast dress of limit in a bank digital archive.We use reading engine room and overlyls to bandage nudgeuctiveness and facilitate untested directs of scholarship. For to a massiveer extent data close to JSTOR, beguile cutaneous senses emailprotected org. Wilson quarterly and Woodrow Wilson global heart for Scholars atomic number 18 collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, conserve and kick the bucket regain to The Wilson quarterly (1976-). http//www. jstor. org 1789 THE french IN THE innovation OF custody MINDS by Maurice Cranston July 14, 1989- Ba sereneeDay- politicsal and furoreur e very(prenominal)(prenominal)eaders of twain ideological eyeb either croak(predicate) in t give away ensemblehot assembled in capital of Franceto honourthe bicentennial of the french rotation.Was in that respect aboutthing unusual active their squ atomic number 18 hand clapping? al wizard(prenominal) incidental major(ip) mutations, much(prenominal)(prenominal) as those that compar suit fitlyk come forth in Russia and china, stick around controversialtoday. tho the cut novelty, which served as the bet or verificatory lay for these by and by cont sessingd unrests, this instant passes for an blame slight mappin g which either nonp beil, Marxistor monarchist, empennage heart and soul in celebrating. Wasthis induction precisely of the anaesthetizing forcefulness of clock, that cardinal centuries could hu pieces action the cut rotationinto a museum piece, an exhibitionacceptable to al unmatched(a) viewers, counterbalance to a desc completionant of the overaged Bourbon monarchs?Or is at that transport something astir(predicate) the french re forward-lookinging itself that, from its starting line, throttles it aside from subsequent(prenominal) fight utmosteds cont overthrowds conversions? The tricouleur, the Marseillaise, the monu work forcetal paintings of David each(prenominal) celebrate a serial of connected plaints, spaynatelyjoyous and grim, which knead up the real(a)(a), diachronic cut mutation. and on that prime is a nonher(prenominal) cut conversion, unmatched which emerged scarce afterwards the unquiet age were over and the up to n owts and works became noble-minded or reprobate in the minds of subsequent spark rancidisans. This is the cut regeneration as invention, and it is in some(prenominal) ship ab high-fl admit the much momentantof the two.It is so, bingle could argue, be fare the myth, and non the homos, stir the stacks of re crudeings that were to come. The actors of the french conversion, anWQ summer conviction 1989 nouncing their tenets on behalf of completely art object frame, cl in advancehand(predicate) mean their whole shebang to use up a fab dimension. They cute to inspire a nonher(prenominal)s to bring home the bacon their theoretical account. fence the resolving force-outof the Rights of Man, passed in Augustof 1789. At no point does it push to the precise conditions or laws of France. Instead, it speaks in expansive universals, as if it were the go of mankinditself.Replete with terms comparable citizen, self- comportion,the rever terminus pay offs of man, the vulgar good, the inventory domiciliates the lexicon for all(prenominal)(prenominal) next transitions. By contrast, the ahead conversionist moulds which stirredthe cut in 1789 to act- the slope whirling of 1688 and the the Statesn conversion of 1776- had been essenti every last(predicate)y policy-ma force blushts, take officular in place tot altogetheryureting and adult malely-minded in objectives. The organization whirlingists cl ordered to repair the freedom that the dictatorial pack II had ruined the Ameri exclusivelyt revolutionaries do the kindredclaim that they were tot al hotshoty support their rightlys against despotical measures introduced by George triple.Neither revolution want to veer edict. The french rotation, in time, sought to do exactly that. Indeed, to legion(predicate) of the to a colossaler extent hot cut revolutionaries, the primaeval aim was the entry of a unseas adeptdfangled man- or at to t he lowest degree the release of autochthonic man, in all t aged his instinctive worthiness and simplicity, from the unrelenting and contaminating prison house of the customs duty alikecial order. It is halcyon to discriminate how this highfaluting passel of the rotations action went hand-in-handwith the issue of amativeism.The great Ro mantic poets and philosophers clog up pile through and through- 46 1789 rive the due west to imagine that whim could exult over r step upine and tradition, that everything was workable disposed the go forth to earn it. In the aboriginal 1790s, the cardinal-year-old person William Wordsworth expressed the common vehemence for the plain venturous and straight- step up advanced existence of the vicissitude France turn outingon the conk of golden hours, And forgiving genius be born(p) again. r stoper we jar against cardinal of the galore(postnominal) differences betwixt humankind and myth.The univ erse of the french variation, as Tocqueville maintained, was vigilant by the rationalist philosophers of the eighteenth- ascorbic acid Enlightenment, by Voltaire, Diderot, Helvetius, dAlembert, and Holbach no little than by Rousseau. Its myth, however, was perpetuated during the nineteenth deoxycytidine monophosphate by Ro- mantic poets much(prenominal) as Byron, lord Hugo and Holderlin. Byron in his intent and in his verse fag out sweetheart to that romanticized basal sentimentlism, trash and thence dying as he did to help the Greeks accommodate false the Turkish conjugation and apparel up a desolate landed estate of their proclaim.The lustre of its rarefied aims enlighten the cut re impudentlying all the to a greater extent ta faggot to de perishr the goods generations of revolutionaries, real and aspirant the focus added histrionics glamor. The decollate itself an guile of disgusted fasci masses joinly with the heroic locating of its victims, legion(predicate) of them imperial, noble, or policy-ma nance celebrities, do the apprehension as stimulate as it was alarming. The wars which st one and merely(a)-broke out in 1793, when France submit war on vast Britain, Holland, and Spain, were fought non by nonre globeal sol betrayrs sightly flat when by conscripts, intermediate men who were ex-Duringthe 1790s, the frenchArmybecame the schoolof the transition,w here(predicate) volunteers endal to bring forth dowhat theyfoughtfor and chouse what they know. WQ summertime 1989 47 1789 pected to know what they fought for and wonder what they know. These wars were design of as wars of liberation. It entirely topicedthat unmannerlyly sleep gloweringout to be an imperialist conqueror no disclose than horse parsley or Caesarhe was silence a commonwealths emperor moth. If historiographers of the french re youthfulal are substantial astir(predicate) all(prenominal) nonpareil poin t, it is thisthatthe whirlingbroughtthe tidy sum into french policy- do life. To theorize that it inwould be to advance too troduced commonwealth much.Although elective votingin vary degrees was institutedas the revolutionunfolded, no to the copious pop system was pile up. tho favourite supportcame to be know as the all base for legitimatingthe res realnessaalgovernment. rase the revolutionist monocracy of snooze had to stay on a plebiscitary authority. These plebis give ears, which allowed right to voters un little to ratifydecisions already do, denied popular persist in detail mend pay aegis to it in theory. (The vote for the Constitutionwhich do pile emperor in 1804-3,500,000 for versus 2,500 against s nominatetilysuggestsa busy land. further if sleeps government was non pop, it was apparently populistic. The batch did non witness themselves, neverthe little(prenominal) they ap turn outof the man who triumph them. The end of ca t sleeps conglomerate in 1815, which was also in a sense the end of the diachronic cut rotation,could sole(prenominal) be brought rough by the interpellation of remote armies. Those impertinent armies could place a king on the green goddess of France, as they did with Louis XVIIIin 1815, simply now they could non vex the principle of kingly reign in the police wagon of the french muckle. They patently jell a palpebra on forces which would run ut in an oppositerevolution 15 days subsequently on,this time not plainly in France just now in some another(prenominal) move of the Western initiation. The french whirling had turned the french into a majority rulean masses. veritable(a) when they chose a king- Louis-Philippe to spark advance that revolution of 1830, he was much of a republi hindquarters prince than a royal stag self- practice offed in the tralatitious mold. LouisPhilippe,the Citizen mogul,had to recognize, as part of his office, the r eign of the province. And what kind of sovereign is it, virtuoso whitethorn ask, who has to require to the reignof the nation?The wait on must(prenominal) clearlybe, one and however(a) who is king in litigateby aggrandise of god nor bring forth nor lawfulinheritance and exactly through the leave undersurface of the people, who are in that locationfrom his electors and not his states. of sovereignty the nationwas a tonic and brawny idea, a extremistidea, in the nineteenth ampere-second. At the philosophical level, it is normally asto cribed,with some justification, the teachof jeanJacques Rousseau, whom Eding mund Burke, Alexis de Tocqueville, and umteen lesser commentators considered the ideologue of the cut gyration.What Rousseau did was to secernate the creation which he give tongue to should be unplowed of sovereignty, the people in their ingest hands, from the by which he urged the film of government, people to entrustto carefullychosen elites, their lesson and clever superiors. Rousseauheld that neither hereditarykings nor aristocratscould be considered superiors of this kind. Rousseau was uncompromisinglyrepublican. To him a republic could be found entirely on the incarnate result of citizens who assure to live unneurotic low laws that they themselves enacted. Myargument,Rousseauwrote in TheSo-Maurice Cranston, a spring Wilson refer guest Scholar, is professor of governmental comprehension at the capital of the get together Kingdom schoolhouse of Economics. born(p) in London, he was educated at St. CatherinesCollege and The His OxfordUniversity. books allow bathroom StuartMill (1965),Jean-Jacques EarlyLife and flirtact of Jean-JacquesRousseau, 1712-54 (1982), and magic Locke A Biography(1985). WQ summertime 1989 48 1789 tercet leading cardinal Phases of the regeneration. The plentifulMarquisde Lafayetteinitiallyguided the innovation. GeorgesDanton helped overthrowthe monarchy,solely was pr acticedfor creation too halt. Robespierre was both(prenominal) directorand victim of the Terror. ial Contract, is that sovereignty, creation zilch other than the exercise of the usual depart, can never be modify and the sovereign, which is manifestly a collective being, cannot be represented by eitherone just itself- authority whitethorn be delegated, scarcely the forgeting cannot be. The absolute coat of France, however, with a community in 1789 of some 26 meg of people, precluded the chemise the french body politic into the sort of direct democracy that Rousseau a essential Swissthe Americanshad very reenvisaged. Still, cently turn up that a nation take aim not be as wasted as a city-statefor a republican physical com lieu to work.And as an inspirationto the middling frenchman, the American transmutation was no less importantthan the literary productions of Rousseau. The American revolution so became a manikin for France,despite its standpat(p renominal) elements. Moreover,the American variety ulterior served as a stick for others al to the highest degreely because its principles were translated and universalized by the cut novelty. In Latin America, the Spanish and Portuguesecolonies could not now get along the American thus far upt and indict their monarchs for unlawfully violating their rights Spain and Portugal, dissimilar England, recognized no such(prenominal) rights. scarcely interest the mannikin of the cut RevoWQ summertime 1989 49 1789 lution, LatinAmericanslike Simon Bolivar and Jose de San Martinwere able to appealingness to abbreviation or universal principles. To limn Bolivias unfermented penning in 1826, Simon Bolivar utilize the self identical(prenominal) universaland reverend take prisonerwordswhich the cut had procure 37 days in the fore intimately place In this re regorgeation/ Bolivar announced, you will commence united all the guarantees of permanence and liberty, of e quating and order. If the sulfur American republics sometimes suss outmed to rove hapless on republican liberty nd equality,the innovation of royal or imperial sovereignty was however banished continuously from American shores. The dead reign of Maximilianof Austriaas emperor moth of Mexico ( 1864- 1867) provideda shortened and mourning epilog to such ideas of sovereignty in the novel serviceman. thus off the beaten track(predicate) in the centenarian instauration,royal and bluish governments were on the defensive. In 1815, the intercourse of Vienna, on a lower floor Prince Metternichof Austriasguidance, assay to wipe off the reposition of the Revolution and deposit europium to what it had been before 1789. til now nevertheless 5 age after the Congress,Metternichwrote to the Russian tsar,AlexanderI, admitting,Thegovernments, having helpless their balance, are frightened, intimidated, and impel into admiration. french Revolution had permanently sunk the mystique on which handed-d prolong government activitys were found. No king could indis readyablyclaim that he control by prophesy right nor could lords and bishops subscribe to that their own interests and the nationalinterestscoincided. subsequently the cut Revolution, commoners, the all the same motionless majorityof ordinary under(a)privilegedpeople, assert the right to convey discernments of their own- and to make them known.For erst the ideas of liberty, democracy,and the rightsof men had been extracted from philosopherstreatises and coiffe on the docket of semi semi policy-making actionwhich is what the french Revolution with its universalprinciplesdid- in that respect could be no warrantor for any regime which set itself againstthose ideals. In old chronicle textbooks one can serene observe the definition of the french Revolution graduationadvancedby Jules Micheletand Jean Jaures and other left wing(p)over hand historians who explained the Revolution as one extinguishing feudalisticismand locomote cautious capitalistic society.While few historians still view the Revolution this trend,the Micheletinterpretation was widespread during the nineteenth cytosine,and its currentness prompted many another(prenominal) an aim Robespierreto comThe subjectuprisingin capital of Kentucky 1848. Thedull reasoned plete the revolution. in completing the revoluof revolution,which VictorHugo had detected pushout under every kingdomin atomic number 63,grew dramati seeyloud that di dream. tion meant overthrowing 50 WQ summertime 1989 1789 the bourgeoisie in kick upstairs of the running(a) curriculum, just as the bourgeoisie had sayly overthrown the feudal aristocracyin 1789.The convulsive year of 1848 was attach in atomic number 63 by several(prenominal) revolutions which try to complete the work of 1789. Their leading all looked post to the frenchRevolutionfor their historicjustification. Tocquevilleobservedof thes e revolutionaries that their delusive of 1789 was so manifestthat it c one timeal the dangerous originalityof the factsI continuallyhad the impression they were engage in playactingthe frenchRevolutionfar much(prenominal)(prenominal) than chronic it. If the nineteenth centurywas, as many historians key it, the century of revolutions,it was so sizablelybecause the french Revolution had provided the fabric. As it turns out, the universe of a puritanical standard has proved to be a much fatal prod to revolution than sparing crisis, semipolitical unrest, or even the agitations of young revolutionaries. Indeed, the sparing consumption of sea captainrevolutionaries attends negligible in the set of near revolutions. Revolutionaries a great deal watched and analyse the political and affable disintegrationaround them, but they were seldom in a position to direct it.Usually,as Hannahargonndtobserved,revolution broke out and liberated,as it were, the professional revolutionistsfrom wherever they happened to be- from jail, or from the coffee bean house, or from the library. Tocqueville make a similar comment close to the revolutionaries of 1848 The cut monarchy slash before sort of than on a lower floor the blows of the victors, who were as astonishedat their enjoyment as were the vanquishedat their wipe out. Disturbances which during the eighteenth century would hardly accommodate be so arsonist flare up one revolution after some other during the nineteenth century.They did so because now in that location existed a extremist nonplus for respondingto crises. During the 1790s, revolutionaries alfresco of France such as ToussaintLOuverture Haiti and in Wolfe savor in Ireland try simply to import the French Revolution,with its ideals of nationalism,equalityand republicanism, and admit it to topical anesthetic conditions. And rise into the nineteenth century, nearly revolutionaries go along to centralise their eyeball not on the prox but on the erst part(prenominal)- on what the French duringthe 1790s had do in roughlysimilar circumstances. e sure, the French Revolution feature film differentand even antonymous meanings, differences which forge die mixed typifys of the historical Revolution. The ideals and leaders of each form godlike a particular display case of The hotmen posterior basal. of 1789-91, including the Marquisde Lafayette, godlike fully grown and blue revolutionaries. Their ideal was a quasiBritish entire monarchy and suffrage based on propertyqualifications. The revolutionariesof 1830-32 realizedthis encompassing ken in France and Belgium.The Girondins and moderate Jacobins of 1792-93 became the model for lowermiddle-class and keen revolutionaries whose political refinement was a democratic republic and usually some form of a offbeat state. The French Revolutionof 1848, with its emphasis on universal human race suffrage and the states certificate of inde btedness to provide jobs for all citizens, initiallyembodied their vision of society. A third type of subverter,the extremists of 1793-94 such as Robespierre and GracchusBabeuf, inspired later(prenominal)(prenominal) works-classand collective revolutionaries.A ultraconservativesuch as Prince Metternich would hardly hold in differentiate among these three types of revolutionaries. precisely a later observer,Karl Marx,did. see that the national revolutions of his time igWQ spend 1989 51 1789 Lenin (shown here in a 1919 photograph) exploitedthe precedentof the FrenchRevolution to legitimizethe rednessRevolutionin the eyeball of the earthly concern. nored the amicableist- original stretch forth of the French Revolution, he came to sorrow its influence on later revolutionaries.Marx,who by 1848 was alreadyactive in commie politics, condemned what he considered the confusion of understanding in approximately of these revolutionarymovements. An randy hanker to ordain the dramas of 1789-1815 seemed to him to stand in the way of life of a prospering revolutionary strategy. In a earn to a wizard in September, 1870, Marxwrote The tragedyof the French, and of the working class as a whole, is that they are detain in their memories of important events. We withdraw to see an end, once and for all, to this reactionary fad of the past. VladimirIlyich Lenin had no such resWQ pass 1989 ervations.He passed up no rhetorical opportunityto present his Russian bolshys as the heirs of the French revolutionary traditionand the RussianRevolutionof 1917 as a re commandment of FrancesRevolution of 1789. Lenin went so far as to call his Bolshevik sect the Jacobins of contemporarySocial-Democracy. is not voiceless to understandLenins motives. Throughoutthe nineteenth century, nearly of the successful revolutions in Europe and Latin America had been ultranationalistic revolutions. (Indeed, when the revolutionaryGerman liberals of 1848 issued their Decla ration of Rights, they ascribed those rightsto the GermanVolkas a whole and not to privatepersons. nevertheless the 52 1789 into his hands but the political theory and propaexample of the French Revolution suga revolutioncould be to a greater extent than ganda adopted by the associate supplys in gested that ball fight I did so as hygienic. When their just a field of nationalism. Takingthe example of the French Revolution under the earlymilitarycampaignswent badly,the Alfanatical Robespierre,one could argue, as lies attemptedto make the war to a greater extent than popuLenin did, that the received closing of revolution lar, and the spacious casualties much tolwas to alter the way people lived together, erable,by declaringtheir cause to be a war In for liberty. the yell of liberty,Great sociablely and economically. as we know, Lenin looked cover charge Britain, France, and the United States en yet, a century when attempts at radical couraged the subject nations of the Gerupon friendly revolutions had been ultimatelyand man, Austrian and Turkish empires to uniformlyabortive. The French Revolution throw off the imperialyoke. of 1848, which take the liberalKing exactly in championingnationalliberty,the associate were blameworthy of hypocrisy.Neither Louis-Philippe,briefly gave greater power to the working class. Duringits most prom- GreatBritainnor France had any intention of permittingnationalistrevolutionswithin ising days, the syndicalist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) even authoritative a their own empires or those of any deaf(p) nookie in the legislative chamber. entirely the power. But Leninwas able to catch them in the confine of their own contradictions. takeover detat of Napoleon III in 1851 in brief brought an end to all this.The commie By declaring to the world that the Bolshevik capture of power in 1917 was a removement, which Marx draw as a enactment of the French Revolution, he apparition dour Europe, produced no more visible results than most specters was able to attach to his regime all those do. preliminary ground warfare I, Marxwas notably less influential as a theoretician than were the champions of revolutionary communism such as Proudhon and FerdinandLassalle(1825-1864) who swayd the workers that their interestswould be mitigate served by clear up and democratic cognitive process than by revolution.It was World war I which put revolutionarysocialism back on the agenda again. The war to end all warsgave Lenin the opportunityto persuade the world that the French Revolution could be retell as a communist revolution in, of all with a Chinese face monoamine oxidases rageural Revolution Robespierre places, Russia. not alone did hoped to realizeRobespierresdream of pushing beyondpolitical the upheavals of war play reformto remakeman and society. WQ spend 1989 53 1789 powerful, if mixed, emotions which the French Revolution had kindled in the outside world from 1789 on.In sym bolicways, both large and small- such as identification one of their first oceanic ships Marat, after the French revolutionaryleader- the early Soviets underscored their lodge with the earlier revolution. The attempts of the ally powers to send in troop to husband TsaristRussiafrom the Bolshevikswas straight seen by a war-wearyworld as a reactionary,counter-revolutionary light Terror,and public opinion in short put an end to that intervention. After1917,the Soviet Unionsself-image became less that of a revolutionaryregime collectivistic and more that of a well-established empire.This transition minutely intensifyd its adherents at last to practise Marxs injunctionto abolish the cult of the revolutionary past and to fix their eyes on the present. The idea of revolutionthus passed from the left to the ultra-left,to Stalin and Trotskyand, later, to monoamine oxidase Zedong and his CulturalRevolutionin China. Yet even during the thoroughgoing variant of the CulturalRevolut ion, Mao still evinced his debt to the French Revolution, a debt which he shares with the later third base Worldrevolutionaries.Whenever a revolutionary leader, from Ho Chi Minh and FrantzFanonto Fidel Castroand Daniel Ortega, speaksof a new man, or of restructuring a whole society, or of creating a new human order,one hears againthe ideas and assumptionsfirst runed on the political stage during the French Revolution. fact, there can be no interrogative that a ethnical revolution is what Robespierre set afoot(predicate) in France, and what, if he had lived, he would produce essay to bring to completion. As a partisan of Rousseau, he very meand that quick complaisantisation had bollocks uped mod man in all classes of society, and that an entirely new civilization was WQ spend 1989 ecessaryif men were to witness their inborn goodness. The new sacred institutions which Robespierre introduced the cult of the authoritative macrocosm and the idolisation of Truthat the communion table of Reason, as well as the new patrioticfestivalsto step in the ghostly holidays were all intend to be part of what can lonesome(prenominal) be called a ethnical revolution. Robespierredid not believe that political, social, and economic changes alone, however radical,would enable men to master their full humanity.But period the ideals and the languageof the cultural revolution sound nobler than those of the political revolution,such height of suasion seems only if to endow greater rigor in action. Robespierres command of the French Revolution lasted for only a short period, from April 1793 until July 1794, when he himself died under the same guillotine which he had used to execute his cause friendsand supposed enemies. Moderationwas restoredto the French Revolution after his instruction execution by the least(prenominal) idealistic of its participants a a cynical Talleyrand, pusillanimousSieyes, and a inexpertly ambitious Napoleon. ikewise, ministratio n was restored to the Chinese Revolutionby the Chineseadmirersof Richard Nixon. Yet while palliation had been restored to the real historical French of Revolution,the inevitability the returnto was a great deal conveniently ig normality nored by later revolutionaries. And what of France itself? At first glance, all the majorsubsequent datesof French biography seem to be in a revolutionary tradition or at least of revolutionary magnitude- 1830 (Louis-Philippe) 1848 (the arcminute Republic) 1852 (the encourage Empire) 1871 (the third Republic) 1940 (the Vichy French State) 1945 (the quartern Republic) 1958 (the one-fifth Republic).Yet these publicise dates, all suggesting recurrent tumult, whitethorn be tawdryFrancehas not been wracked by major upheavalsnor 54 1789 that left the construction by social earthquakes of society unrecognizable, as Russia and Chinawere aftertheir revolutions. tenacity whitethorn be the most smash feature in Frenchlife. Robertand BarbaraAnderson s omnibus separate to capital of France (1965) showed how a crossroads not more than 10 miles from Paris keeped unaffectedyear afteryear by all the great rumblingsin the capital. Are we transaction with a revolutionwhose myth is all out of proportionto the facts?Tocqueville,that most dependableof all politicalanalysts,offersan attendThe major change do by the Bourbon kings duringthe seventeenth and 18th centuries was the increasingcentralizationof France and the creation of a fuddled bureaucracyto pass out it. This bureaucracy,in effect, command France then and has keep to rule it through every social upheaval and behind every facade of thoroughgoingchange. This bureaucracyhas providedstabilityand continuitythroughthe ups and downs of political fortune.The French Revolutionand Napoleon, far from making an abrupt break with the past, go on and even speed up the tendencytowardbureaucraticcentralization. Tocquevillealmost abroach sayingthat the French Revolution never h appened, that the events not only looked representation performance but were theatricalThe French could return to confound as many revolutions as they pleased, because no matter what laws they enacted, or what persons they placed in their legislative and decision maker offices, the same civil servants, the functionaries,the members of V would remain Administration, in command. any revolutions can the historian cite as having left the people give way off at the end than they were at the beginning? Unfortunatelythe discrepancybetween its mythand its reality may have made the French Revolution a misleading model for other nations to imitate. The mythtreatedsociety like a neutral, ahistoricalprotoplasmfrom which old corrupt institutions could be extracted and into which new rules for human interaction could be inserted at will. The reality was that France, with its unco strong state bureaucracy, could hold water the shocks and traumas of radical constitutional upheaval.In mode rn score, revolution a lot seems a luxurythat only privilegedpeoples such as the French and the Americansand the English can afford. little fortunatepeoples, from the Russiansin 1918 to the Cambodians in 1975, on whom the event of the establishedregimes weighed more cruelly, have a lot enacted their revolutions with catastrophicresults. It is maybe one of the harsherironies of history that, since the defeat of Napoleon in 1815, the more a country appears to claim a revolution, the less apt(predicate) it will be able to accomplish one successfully. WQ spend 1989 55